Sen is well aware that human rights if taken as binding legal rights may be problematic since what we actually need is a vocabulary to discuss certain ethical issues in a society. Human rights as legal, universal rights would presuppose global values, but we see that approaches to human rights may differ in various parts of the 34 K. Nuotio globe. According to Sen human rights are best to be seen as a set of ethical claims rather than legislated legal rights Sen , p. Much of the law and development theory and practice follows still today pretty much the logic of operation of the Western approach.
A market-orientation dominates. Besides the fact that the grand challenges have emerged, or have taken a new shape, we also have new actors who may have a very different agenda. We could name the new foreign policy of China as an interesting example, since also this setting entails a kind of law and development view, albeit somewhat less articulated. Here we mean especially the Belt and Road Initiative launched in The development of Chinese law would in itself be a highly interesting example to look at, since China did not much change its political system when it introduced a socialist market economy Jiang Zemin.
Rule of law became itself an end of development, not just a means for development Kennedy a, p. The rule of law emphasis in development may even have been an easy choice—even too easy. Economics and politics come back if we start thinking about societal development in terms of alternatives, taking into account the distributive effects of various legal regulations. Since the so-called reverse engineering may be helpful in reconstructing the necessary legal theory behind what the development agencies are doing and believe they are doing in terms of law, and the rule of law, some observations made by Alvaro Santos on the different conceptions in use by the World Bank are illuminating.
He divides the four options by using two criteria for differentiation. See, for example, the useful presentation of Castellucci Santos points out that traces of each and every of the views can be seen in the massive practice of the rule of law development projects run by the World Bank Santos , pp. A formal-institutional approach prevailed in the earlier period, but since mids, more substantive concerns have been included.
We do not have to take this brief look at law and development further. The experience tells us that law is central for development, but together with law comes a lot more. For that reason, the local context is so important. Change comes, if it comes, from the inside.
In , World Justice Project was launched. The world Rule of Law Index has since then become at least one reference telling about where a country stands in terms of international comparison. We read in the most recent report that the rule of law has been understood as a framework of laws and institutions embodying four universal principles: accountability, just laws, open government, and accessible and impartial dispute resolution. It is also rather worrying that we have at the moment more countries with trend to decline than ones with a trend to improve.
Rule of Law Index Nuotio Projects such as this one striving at support and acceptance all over the world risk being seen as Western initiatives. Such worries have some ground, since the key academic expertise on these issues has been found in the leading universities of the US and Europe Rajah , pp. Rule of law as understood by World Justice Project is, however, a dynamic concept which will be developed during the course of the studies.
This development has meant, for instance, that the texts are being directed increasingly to the media and to the rule of law promotion industry. Sen has tried to gear the approach to economic development away from the mere measuring of the GDP. The human development relates to a broader notion of human freedom and human capabilities. At least a strand of discussions of modernity sees Europe as a point of reference for the rest of the world. What happened, when European thought was embedded in local and regional traditions outside Europe, was not a straight-forward reception, but something more complicated.
Dipesh Chakrabarty has launched the term Provincializing Europe. It seems natural that the law and development, or, rule of law, agenda has also become part of the discussion on sustainable development Soininen The various sub-goals deal directly with issues related to rule of law.
Effective, accountable and transparent institutions should be developed at all levels. Decision-making should be responsive, inclusive, participatory and representative, etc. Goal Promote just, peaceful and inclusive societies On the various approaches to development, see, Trebilcock and Mota Prado , pp. But what is maybe even more important, reaching almost any of the mentioned goals will require a legal response, one way or another. Namely, the Millennium Development Goals from which originated from the UN Millennium Declaration asserted that every individual has dignity, the right to freedom, equality and a basic standard of living that includes freedom from hunger and violence.
The targets were set for the year Reduction of poverty was a priority. The MDGs were of rather typical development policy type. The agenda had been prepared top-down, and law was not on the agenda Wiik and Lachenmann , pp. In the preparations for the Global Sustainable Development Goals the developing countries had more say, and the drafting procedure was heavier and more carefully designed.
Rule of law issues were much debated, and the outcome was more meagre than what many countries had expected. As everyone can imagine, this exercise was not an easy one since there were countries which saw a reference to rule of law as problematic in the sense that it would open up the internal structures for external criticism. Russia, for instance, brought up such concerns Wiik and Lachenmann , pp.
On the table were three options. The second option was to mainstream it as a target or general enabler within other goals or use it as an indicator or tool for implementation. The third option was to treat it as an overarching driver or enabler of development.
Indicators would and could be developed. Rule of law still is still being approached rather as a means to reach other goals than something worth pursuing by itself. Even though this development has not been rapid, it has been substantial. And I regard it important that the pressure to keep it on the table has also come from the developing countries.
The level of expectations has simply been raised. Nuotio The underlying idea of development as expressed in the UN SDGs is still based on the capabilities approach as was suggested by Amartya Sen, among others. It seems that the capabilities approach, sustainability and rule of law represent a kind of super triangle. Sustainability serves as the main goal whereas rule of law serves as a means to an end. The capabilities approach, again, serves as the ground securing that development is being measured on the level of the wellbeing and quality of life of the individuals.
Fighting crime lends itself to political manipulation and moral entrepreneurship. Criminologists could be helpful in two ways: they could act in a supporting role, instructing the various stakeholders on how to deal with crime in a sustainable way.
The other role would be a critical one: help development actors and local stakeholder and policymakers identify attempts to politicize crime issues for self-interested and strategic purposes. Such observations are rather important. Fighting serious crime, such as terrorism or international organized crime calls for particular sensitiveness due to the risk of obvious abuses.
It also stresses the need to build on a thick version of rule of law, one which includes effective protection of human rights. This could be understood as meaning that the tougher the agendas for development, the more we need the substantial rule of law commitments.
It deserves to be mentioned that also the Venice Commission has seen thin versions of rule of law rather as distorted interpretations of rule of law. Blaustein et al. See The Rule of Law Checklist, para. Implementation Guide and Project Tools. The Commission has an increasing number of members and its services have been used by countries beyond the borders of Europe. We could mention the Central Asian states and some Northern African states as examples. Remove the essentials, and you will see what follows.
After continuous work, in the Venice Commission adopted a more extensive document which had the aim to present universal features of rule of law. The Venice Commission observes that the above-mentioned Target The Checklist aims at enabling an objective, thorough, transparent and equal assessment. Craig , pp. Adopted by the Venice Commission at its th Plenary Session. Nuotio law developments of any country, with the aim of enabling an objective, thorough, transparent and equal assessment.
Therefore, the document refers to developments at global level as well as other regions of the world. The Venice Commission refers to the duty of the public authorities to provide adequate reasons for their decisions, especially when these affect the rights of the individuals. This comes rather close to the expectation to grant legal protection and thus also to earn the respect of the people, that is, the legal community sensu largo.
There is even a Senian touch in it since the approach of the Venice Commission has been precisely tailored to assist in the qualitative measurement of rule of law. The law has different faces, and it is important in a variety of ways. Different understandings of rule of law are relevant and continue to be relevant. What is striking that merely instrumental views on law are getting weaker. Rule by law simply is not enough, it presents itself as a distorted version of Rule of Law.
It is much that just a matter of formal following of rules, or the like. The work of Venice Commission is comprehensive since it also includes considerations regarding how rule of law relates to protection of human rights as well as questions of democratic governance.
The only aspect which one could regard missing in the Checklist is that 18 Ibid. Venice Commission raises, which is natural, the question of Rule of Law from the constitutive point of view. Venice Commission also indicates that it would be updating its Checklist, which means that new dimensions could appear in the future updates.
This corresponds to what we saw in the UN context, with the development goals. He proposes that freedom and human development would be the ultimate goals and measures of true development. This comes close to what Martha Nussbaum has been talking about it in terms of a capabilities approach. If we would relate these seemingly separate tendencies to each other, we would see emerging contours.
This is in many ways important. It brings about a global justice approach which makes it easier to discuss issues such as climate crisis and how to face it. But I believe it gives a boost to views that human and societal development are indeed very much dependent on what kind of laws we have. And even more so, even dependent of what is our relationship to the laws. The expectation of justice runs through the idea of rule of law if we regard the abuse of power to be its true content.
Rule of law could even be regarded as part of transnational legal order, or, rather, as an object regulated on transnational level. The UN Declaration of human rights could be seen as an expression of such a will. More recently, we could refer to the World Justice Project which has sought to formulate general criteria for rule of law. The authorities should see their role in a particular way.
Jeremy Waldron took up this point in the context of US interrogating suspected terrorists in ways amounting or being close to amounting to torture. State authorities should not seek to maximize their use of powers, but rather be considerate in the ways they treat citizens and human beings more generally.
It is about decency, about rule of law. State is different from an individual human being. We should request more from a state. See Sen Waldron Marcelo Neves certainly has it right, when he claims that in central modernity the development towards a democratic Rechtsstaat has occurred rather naturally—which is not to claim that the development has been easy and predictable.
But even though we may not share a detailed view of what rule of law consists of, we recognize certain features that matter. Independence of judiciary, for instance, is clearly not only a precondition and a constitutive element of rule of law, but also a structural condition for the judiciary to carry out its tasks according to the law.
It, for instance, does not make sense to reconstruct law on the basis of the way the judges identify and recognize law, if, in fact, other factors are decisive in legal decisions-making. I interpret the situation so that a social-theoretical understanding of democracy and rule of law have highlighted the structural interdependencies of law as a democratically legitimate form of self- governing of the society.
I mean the more humanist aspect of what it means to work as a judge, or as an administrator in a system which deserves the name of rule of law. In some sense, namely, rule of law is also a mindset. This is very much in line of what the Venice Commission was suggesting above when it referred to the necessity to make rule of law part of the culture of the society.
Jeremy Waldron has spoken about of the dignity of legislation in this same spirit: jurisprudence would need a normative theory of legislation Waldron , p. The rule of law culture needs to be present on the level of the activities of the judges, prosecutors, as well as the administrators who decide on issues concerning the rights and duties of the individuals.
This we could call the legal community in the narrow sense. But this is surely not enough, since the culture of respecting rule of law needs to penetrate the entire culture of the society. A rule of law culture actually becomes manifest only indirectly: it is a culture in which people respect the law and regard the decisions of the courts and others as systematically legitimate, even though they may disagree on the relevant issues in individual cases.
This is in fact not to claim that everyone would just have to be moral, or the like. A rule of law when the crucial actors do not share a real commitment to the law with its values and purposes will in any case remain rather vulnerable. I would thus emphasize the constitutive role of law and a non-instrumental approach to law since this will be needed to foster a culture of operation which again can be made to serve utilitarian goals.
Rule of law as a mindset may be important in terms of laws functionality. It is precisely the attitude that law can be used as an instrument for the promotion of private interests which threatens the closure of legal system. Law as an institution serves of course the purpose of letting the individuals exercise their guaranteed freedoms and has thus a great value for the individuals. It is, however, important that the public at large also recognizes the merits of legality and rule of law.
Relating this discussion back to the issue of law and development gives food for a further thought, which tells something about why strengthening the rule of law frame is not that simple. In a mature and developed rule of law culture the legal actors take the responsibility of cultivating a high and professional standard of legalism, and this enables the development of respect for legality amongst the broader public.
The internal perspective of a judge, and also of a legal scholar, contains more than just technical skills in mastering the legal system. This is precisely also the reason why rule by law is not enough. Rule by law lacks the grounding on human rights, democracy, and the culture of the people. Individual legal decision such as those made at the courts are expected not only to be predictable and consistent with the legal system, but also just in a more material sense. This is the tension every judge has to face.
In the setting of a developed rule of law State the courts are able to handle these expectations. In the 44 K. Nuotio developing countries the situation may be different, and it would be unfair just to ask for the people to wait for years to build a similar strong tradition. Thus, the question is, can such a development be accelerated?
This is an empirical question that cannot be answered her. We might be able to monitor the development of certain countries now that international bodies are collecting a lot of data for to know the details of development. What I would suggest is that we should be mindful of the nature of the exercise.
Developing a respect for legality is not a simple task, but one which requires time, education, and effort. The good news is, however, that development psychology tells us that we learn law as part of our human development. Learning law is this not something like learning a separate skill. We might thus say that living in a society which is committed to promoting justice and addressing injustices renders it possible for us to develop ourselves as full human beings Engel The grand challenges such as climate change require collective action by many, if not all of the countries of the world.
One of the obvious advantages of strong rule of law orientation is that it increases the effectivity of government interventions without hampering the legitimacy of the governance. We may rather say the opposite: governments which fail to address such issues risk the future of their people, and not only them, but also harms the conditions of life of future generations.
In terms of Senian logic of development we could say that the grand challenges also point out new constellations in which injustices may occur. One way of thinking of it would be to say that Rule of Law as an enabling concept enables States to address pressing issues. Rule of Law, democratic participation, and the protection of the rights of the individuals forms a triangle which needs to be promoted.
And not only be promoted, it has to be backed up by a belief in justice and a better world. Probably it is not a coincidence that the two discussion, one on development, the other on justice and injustice, both point towards the relevance of rule of law. In order to conceptualize all this, we will have to use some tools of social theory, but we should not forget about the power of thought, and the necessary cultural underpinnings of rule of law.
Our analysis points to the same direction as how the governance scholar Francis Fukuyama sees it. States are needed, and states need to have capacity to deliver. He stresses that institutional development has to grow rather from the inside. True development comes from the inside. But by learning from the own experiences as well as from others, steps can be taken. The sustainability challenges further underline the capacity requirement as the relevant regulations not only have to be Towards a Global Rule of Law: Global Law in the Context of Law and Development.
In terms of state functions, a minimum level is simply not enough, even for the developing countries. Princeton University Press, Princeton Chimni B The Sen conception of development and contemporary international law discourse: some parallels. Hart, Oxford Dubber M The sense of justice: empathy in law and punishment.
J Inst Econ 4 3 — Fukuyama F State building: governance and world order in the 21st century. Oxford legal studies research paper no. Contributions to a discourse theory of law and democracy. Intersentia, Cambridge Jowell J The rule of law: rhetoric or universal principle.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 95— Kennedy D b Three globalizations of law and legal thought: — Springer, Cham Luhmann N Law as a social system. Clarendon Press, Oxford 27 See the helpful mapping of the state functions, in Fukuyama , p. Nuotio MacCormick N Rhetoric and the rule of law: a theory of legal reasoning. Hart, Oxford Neves M Between the Hydra and Hercules: constitutional principles and rules as a paradoxical difference of the legal system manuscript, original in Portuguese Nuotio N Systems theory with discourse ethics: squaring the circle?
Implementation guide and project tools. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 74—94 Trubek D, Santos A Introduction: the third moment in law and development theory and the emergence of a new critical practice. European origins and modernity as a global condition. In: Eisenstadt S ed Multiple modernities. Demands for Constitutional Changes in Chile. Symbolic Legislation. Symbolic Constitutionalization in Chile?
The need to change the current constitution of Chile is heard in different areas, understanding that, as a positive law, it must adapt to the social changes experienced by our country. The demand for constitutional change has gone beyond the traditional limits of the organizations dedicated to the political sphere and has also generated massive popular movements that, in different occasions and circumstances, have raised the need to have a new constitutional order where their claims may have a legitimate place.
The contribution of Professor Dr. Marcelo Neves to the sociology of law is so broad and relevant that we have chosen to refer to only one of the many areas to which he has devoted his attention. The political system offers the system of law premises for its decision-making in the form of positively promulgated laws.
The system of law, in turn, offers the political system the necessary legality for it to make use of power. Another level of exchanges between both systems is made when the system of law gives the political system premises for the use of physical violence. With this, the circle of will and strength is broken. You can not force everything you want or want everything that could be forced.
In return, the political system gives the law system the necessary binding force. Legal decisions, especially judicial resolutions, must be obeyed and they are because they could be forced to obey them, and, in some cases, they are forced to abide by them. Power must not be used arbitrarily.
The Constitution and the Rule of Law are required. Each individual member of society can feel secure that no one, not even the State, can act legitimately with violence against him. Political power is subordinated to law, but it also has the right—given by law—to modify the law: The National Congress can, according to the Constitution, legislate and, also, study and approve constitutional changes.
This evolutionary achievement is known as the Rule of Law Luhmann The functional differentiation has led to the subsystems of world society becoming autopoietic and, therefore, closed in their operation. The link between two systems—such as the political and the law— can only occur in a way that ensures the continuation of the autopoiesis of both, which implies their closed and self-referential operations. This condition implies a strong selection: only what is political is interesting to politics; only the law concerns the law.
Everything else remains invisible and each system is completely indifferent to it. The Constitution, then, for the legal system means something different than for the political system. For the system of law, the Constitution is the fundamental law, the supreme law.
For the political system, on the other hand, the Constitution is a powerful political instrument. In the system of law, every law must be evaluated under the terms of its constitutionality: in this system the Constitution is the basic premise that must be considered in the autopoietic operation of generation of laws. In the political system, the Constitution operates instrumentally as a powerful tool to modify situations, but also has an important symbolic use that does not alter them Luhmann a, p.
A characteristic of participatory democracy is that each party in power knows-and also the opposition parties know-that their stay in power is limited and will be literally subject to scrutiny in a determined and known term. It is about satisfying the wishes of the elector, whatever they may be.
But desires can be changeable, efforts are made to offer new solutions to the same old problems and attempts are being made to persuade the voters that these are their problems and those are the solutions that they would like to see implemented.
Politics becomes dependent on the decisions of the voters Torres Nafarrate , pp. The constitutions have been analyzed by Luhmann as legal arrangements formed at the intersection between the political and legal systems of society. They allow to consolidate and simplify the terms that articulate both systems, enabling them to provide each other with descriptions of their functions through which they can respond and positively organize their internal communications Luhmann With constitutions, the law has acquired the ability to explain itself, along with its decisions, as legally determined Luhmann , p.
Luhmann adds that constitutions are documents that facilitate the legitimacy of power, because they allow to hide the contingency of the origin of power and its application by functional systems. Following the concept of contingency, we can understand the nation state based on a constitutional order, as a construction also contingent.
The state itself is nothing more than a formula for the self-description of the political system of society, which allows the political system to differentiate itself and unify its communications and, thus, concentrate and regulate the power that can 54 D. The law also undergoes a process of functional differentiation, which is particularly noticeable in reference to the political system, given that the close relationship between the political system and the legal system is evident: law depends on politics for its application, because without the possibility of imposing a norm by force that comes from political power there can be no convincing normative stability; politics, on the other hand, requires the law to regulate access to political power.
The function of law consists in making possible the security of expectations in view of disappointments that can be foreseen Luhmann b, pp. It is never asked to set aside the norm because it is not fully met. Life in society depends on human beings behaving according to the indications of law: stop at the red lights, pay their bills, respect private property, do not reign the law of the strongest, declare their income and pay taxes, etc.
The provision of the law to other functional systems not only consists in the delimitation of freedoms, but also in the production of freedoms that can be limited according to the mode of other functional systems: the freedom to adhere to a certain organization or to disassociate from it; the freedom not to marry the couple chosen by the parents, to marry, instead, for love; the freedom to express inconvenient opinions; etc.
Luhmann b, p. If a reasonable agreement can not be reached regarding the payment of a debt, the custody of the children, the responsibility for the automobile accident, the return of the property by the lessee, the limits between two countries, etc. Symbolic Constitutionalization and Constitutional Debate in Chile 55 2 Demands for Constitutional Changes in Chile The Constitution that governs the Chilean State was enacted in , during the dictatorship, through a plebiscite recognized fraudulent Fuentes This Constitution has been in force for almost four decades, although the scant legitimacy of its origin has made it subject to numerous reforms.
These changes were considered necessary to initiate the transition to democracy and, among other things, it became possible to reform the Constitution, allowing parties of Marxist inspiration to participate in democracy without being more constitutionally proscribed. These constitutional changes, after being seen by the Military Junta, were submitted to a plebiscite, as required by the Constitution Correa Sutil , pp. Because of this, it contained provisions that hindered the full democratic exercise that could be eliminated when time made them ineffective.
For example, there were appointed senators until the number appointed by the military regime became equivalent to that of those appointed in democracy Atria , p. A few years later, however, the debate on the need to reform the Constitution once and for all, resurfaced with the idea to promulgate a truly new Constitutional Charter.
The year begins a broad civic mobilization, with massive student demonstrations that demand to improve education and make the University accessible to an increasingly broad middle class. Millaleo , pp. Racial and sexual minorities, housing debtors, environmentalists, animal rights advocates, pro-choice advocates, etc.
Public protests are often accompanied by violent expressions, something relatively new in Chile since the return of democracy. There are looting of commercial premises and sacred images extracted from a church are destroyed in the street. In rural places, certain religious temples are attacked and destroyed. Groups excluded from society are not considered as negotiating actors, since they are not part of social communication Stichweh These groups do not participate in social conversations, because of which their expectations are not incorporated in the discussion and, therefore, neither in the laws that regulate the social order.
From this perspective, the use of physical violence does not constitute a threat, as when its objective is to maintain the law. Violence then becomes an expression, which may be against the order or nature of things, as they are socially established.
Although violence can constitute a communicative event Luhmann , p. Those who did not belong to the aristocracy could not participate in these binding communications and, for that reason, could not expect their interests to be considered in them either. To be noticed, to ensure that binding communications made amends for their problems, the lower classes had to make noise, so that the binding conversations could not continue in their usual calm, forcing the interlocutors to discuss the origin and reasons for the noise, as well as also to look for ways to appease it.
Unfortunately, history shows that the most frequent way to appease the noise caused by the excluded—without any community that protects, defends and legitimizes them. Outside the institutional channels of the law. And what can be worse: without recognized domicile or legality—has consisted on repression Salazar , p. Long judicial and journalistic investigations keep the public alert with the facts that are coming to light.
One of the generalized demands is, then, for transparency. Binding decisions seem to be taken mistakenly by people who do not consider the interests of citizenship. There is a distrust of the political communication that leads to binding decisions and increases the number of those who consider themselves excluded. All this causes a growing disinterest, especially among youth, for actively participating in elections.
Expressions of discontent increase at the same time. Niklas Luhmann makes an important distinction between risk and danger Luhmann that can illuminate the just mentioned phenomenon of political disaffection and the perception of exclusion by those who do not belong to this category. Both the risk and the danger refer to a possible future damage, but there is talk of risk when that eventual damage is derived from a decision adopted by the person who assumes the risk known or unknown that this may involve; the danger, on the other hand, happens without the affected person having done anything to justify their harm.
Following the example, if the accident caused by the imprudence of the drunk driver seriously affects another driver who drives responsibly or hits, killing a pedestrian waiting on the sidewalk to cross the street, these affected victims may make the irresponsible driver responsible for a damage they could not even imagine and could not have avoided. If they wish, they can also add bad luck or the gods to those responsible for the damages received, but they can not be held responsible themselves if I had left earlier or used another path ; for them, the damage was detached from the danger that can cross the path of anyone.
However, as happened in Fukushima and in Chernobyl, disasters occurred that affected people who could not have done anything to prevent that regrettable decision and, therefore, lived and suffered the harm derived from the risk that others took so wrongly to decide. They lived in danger, probably without even knowing it and many died of pollution. Those who decided, for their part, had to take charge of their political responsibility and lose their high positions.
With political decision-making, its opacity, its possible corruption, etc. It is possible that there are those who take fundamentally political or legal risks that could entail serious dangers for those who are not only innocent, but who also have no right to participate in that decision making nor can they expect their opinions to be considered.
This imbalance between risk and danger has led to them feeling affected and behaving as such people who never experienced the danger or suffered their losses but solidarize with those affected because they know that the imbalance also exists in their surroundings and could hurt them. The Fukushima disaster, for example, caused a global malaise that could not have been framed within the boundaries of the directly damaged region.
Also, the excluded who are not considered interlocutors of the communications of the society receive, suddenly, the solidarity of people very distant socially and spatially, but that demand solution for problems of those who can not demand it because they have no place in the communications of the society. Something similar has happened, for example, with the old demands of the native peoples that were not heard by successive governments of different political tendencies, until they achieved the enormous international support of many other original groups, from different and distant countries, that had had or not achievements in their own demands, but that globalized their interests.
From a sociological point of view, effectiveness refers to the conformity of the behaviors of the recipients of the norm. It is, Symbolic Constitutionalization and Constitutional Debate in Chile 59 therefore, about whether the norm is actually observed, imposed and used Neves , pp.
Observance implies acting in accordance with the legal norm, without such behavior being due to fear of a sanction. The imposition, on the other hand, is the reaction to behaviors that contradict the legal precepts and seeks to restore respect for the norm. According to Neves, effectiveness can refer to the observance of the law or its imposition.
Only a norm that was not autonomous or heteronomically respected could be considered ineffective Neves , pp. This would be a case in which there would be no ineffectiveness of the legal norm, because it is a fact that violators of human rights are kept in prison in a democratic state. In vain the relatives denounced the arrest of someone in court, indicating the circumstances in which he had been arrested and the witnesses of the fact; the usual response was that there was no evidence that this person was or had been in the detention centers, which leaves clearly, at that time, the law lacked autonomous effectiveness and there was no intention to impose it lawfully, which also made it ineffective heteronomically.
What would be the social reasons that would lead to promulgate symbolic laws? According to Marcelo Neves, there may be different motivations to demand and accept symbolic laws. One of them refers to important sectors of the population that seek legal support for values that are not universally accepted. Aldunate Lizana In Chile, the abortion law that was widely discussed from a fundamentally valueperspective for several years can be shown as an example.
In fact, in the Health Code was issued, which allows women to interrupt their pregnancy for therapeutic purposes. In , article of the Health Code was repealed and all types of abortion were prohibited. In , President Bachelet enters the bill that decriminalizes the voluntary interruption of pregnancy under three grounds.
Finally, in the law that decriminalizes abortion is enacted, allowing it under three causes: 1 danger to the life of the woman, 2 lethal fetal infeasibility, 3 pregnancy for rape. Before there was a law that allowed it, abortion was widely executed without major judicial consequences.
To these moral foundations, both sides added practical arguments, such as that the law would increase the number of abortions or, on the contrary, it would allow saving the lives of women who illegally aborted, in unhygienic conditions.
There are also situations in which legislators are pressured by citizens to dictate laws that meet their expectations, but what legislators do is effectively enact symbolic laws that seem to meet expectations, although without addressing the effectiveness of such laws.
It is less important in this debate if the announced reforms led to effective changes in the conduction of social affairs. Perhaps something similar happens when companies justify their polluting operations with their strict adherence to current legislation. In the case of the river Cruces of Valdivia, the black-necked swans, symbols of the area, began to die due to the contamination of the waters by the operations of the Arauco pulp company.
After a long time, during which the company contracted studies that demonstrated the lack of relationship between the death of the swans and their industrial waste, and environmental Symbolic Constitutionalization and Constitutional Debate in Chile 61 organizations contracted studies that linked the death of the birds with the operations of the company, the community of Valdivia was mobilized to prevent the company from continuing to work.
This is not strange to happen because Neves points out that this kind of law is not always successful in its symbolic function and it can be made visible that legislation does not contribute to making legal norms positive; before this, the public feels cheated and the political actors become cynical Neves , p.
For example, the acceptance with full equality of sexual minorities, about which there were no conversations for centuries and, at some point, a symbolic law that accepts the legitimacy of different sexual options without granting much more is reached.
It is very likely that it would have been impossible to achieve the current state of legislation in this regard without this series of dilatory symbolic laws. Something similar has happened with the political and economic rights of women.
And the same could be said about all the progressive advances in a society that evolves. Perhaps it could be postulated that society invisibilizes its more complex problems as it happens with exclusion , until little by little they are discovered and confronted in the political discussion and slowly become the subject of the legislation, by means of laws predominantly symbolic dilatory commitments that allow solutions to be expanded temporarily in the political game, with setbacks and advances derived from relative powers, as in Chile with the repeal of therapeutic abortion in Something similar happens with the Agrarian Reform.
Until the end of the nineteenth century it was not a matter of social or political discussion. Towards the middle of the twentieth century, the church made an agrarian reform in its agricultural properties that inspired a law of conservative agrarian reform dictated during the government of Jorge Alessandri.
Although it could be said that this law had a symbolic character, it made it legitimate to discuss the issue, which allowed for much more advanced positions. The government of Eduardo Frei Montalva dictated a law of Agrarian Reform that motivated the polarization of the conservative and progressive positions. However, this interpretation of the law was denounced by the conservatives as illegitimate. The Pinochet government marked a clear setback and even many expropriated lands were restored to their former owners.
There are legislative acts and normative texts that have these characteristics, without performing any symbolic function. Time makes some law stop being used, because the acts that normed no longer occur; for example, the laws referring to the use of horses in the city have lost validity and normative effectiveness, but they are not properly symbolic.
From the description of situations in which purely symbolic rules are produced and the political effects sought when legislating symbolically, Marcelo Neves proposes the concept of symbolic constitutionalization. This is rather a process in which the symbolic effects sought in the enactment of laws may become important when discussing and elaborating a constitutional change or a new constitution. The symbolic problems of constitutionalization have an enormous repercussion, given that, within the normative system, the Constitution is the model of all laws Tonet In the next point, we will discuss the concept of symbolic constitutionalization and its usefulness to consider political acts that have accompanied the process of Chilean constitutional change.
But, does a process of symbolic constitutionalization occur or is it simply a constitutional change, without vices or dangers of this symbolic process insinuating itself? Marcelo Neves indicates that the social function and the political provision of the Constitution refers, among others, to: 4. Luhmann considers the Welfare State based on the sociological principle of inclusion, referring to Thomas Marshall and his well-known concept of citizenship Marshall From this it follows that the Chilean constitution, promulgated in a plebiscite without guarantees, by a dictatorial regime in which human rights were violated, in which civil liberty and political participation were practically 64 D.
Further constitutional changes were, as we have seen, settled in the year of Despite these changes, however, the debate regarding the need to elaborate a totally new constitutional text continued, to the point that, in , three of the four candidates for the presidency of the republic considered making this change of Constitution in its government program Atria et al.
In this perspective, the introduction of functionally differentiated procedures legislative, judicial and political-administrative , through the division of powers, increases the capacity of the legal and political systems to respond to the demands of their respective environments, each with its own expectations Neves , pp.
In recent years, we have witnessed in Chile numerous and serious cases of dedifferentiation as indicated; this has been another reason for various social sectors to demand transparency and to change the Constitution. These clear cases of systemic corruption, of intrusion within the system of the Law of other characteristic codes and valid for systems of society different from the Symbolic Constitutionalization and Constitutional Debate in Chile 65 Law, are not easily analyzed only as isolated and anomalous cases of corruption.
Neves , p. Marcelo Neves, therefore, does not stop his analysis in the symbolic legislation. The importance of the topics discussed in relation to this, led him to develop the concept of symbolic constitutionalization. This perspective allows us to understand broader cases of symbolization, which can even generate processes of constitutionalization—this is constitutional discussion—of a clearly symbolic nature.
It seems to us that the Chilean constitutional demand and its political ups and downs, especially in recent years, are a clear example of the capacity of this concept of Marcelo Neves to analyze such a complex situation. In the next point we will try to present what seems to us the most distinctive moments of this process of symbolic constitutionalization in Chile. As in symbolic legislation, the element of distinction is also the hypertrophy of the symbolic dimension to the detriment of the juridical-instrumental realization of constitutional devices.
The presidential candidacy of Michelle Bachelet, at the end of , considered making an important constitutional change. At the beginning of , citizens, social organizations, movements and political parties, the academics, business and cultural world were invited to deliberate on constitutional matters. The deliberation took place between April 23 and August 6, It considered three levels of participation local, provincial and regional , through the methodology called deliberative convergence, conceived as a space for dialogue where people arrive to conclusions in a collaborative way, generating agreements from their different views on the Constitution, and recording their partial agreements and disagreements.
According to the information, widely reported through the mass media, the document was written based on the contribution of the , people who participated in the process. The very well known political scientist Claudio Fuentes points out that the constitutional changes in Chile have always been driven by a highly educated elite in which there was no shortage of experts in constitutional matters. From the beginning of the Chilean republican history, to the present day, citizenship has been kept aside from the discussion.
But the protests and social movements that have characterized the decade question this centralized and behind-closed-doors form to make those changes. As we have seen, Michelle Bachelet notes the large number of people , who have participated with their ideas in the process of preparing the constitutional project. However, once the citizen bases of a Constitution for Chile were received at the beginning of , the process continued in a more private manner.
A commission elaborated the project to be presented to the National Congress and the generalized criticism was that this stage had been marked by secrecy, to the point that even the parties of the government coalition said they were unaware of the project when it was presented. On the part of the parties of the coalition of Government, only the communist party has valued the announcement without manifesting questions. Marcelo Neves explicitly refers to the notoriety achieved by academics, bureaucrats or legislators in their respective careers as an additional motivation Neves , pp.
The discomfort, of almost the entire political spectrum, with the way in which the constitutional project was elaborated and the delay with which it was sent to Congress, allude to its symbolic character. Outside the government, the New Majority parties will have little opportunity to convert this project soon into a new Constitutional Charter for Chile.
It could well be, they argue, that this is just a political platform for Bachelet to be a candidate again. For this reason, it is possible to think that the political calculations of her close collaborators and of herself point to a possible re-election, for which the fact of having presented late the constitutional project and hoping that this does not advance during the right-wing government could be an important support.
In this way, we would be faced with an example of symbolic constitutionalization, with a character of process of giving prominence to the symbolic aspects, which can offer political dividends, over the normative aspects that give effectiveness to a Constitution.
To observe it, we have used the concept developed by Marcelo Neves, which offers a valuable distinction that makes it possible to see the mechanisms that operate by making the phenomenon possible. We know thanks to distinctions that differentiate, for example, a system and its environment, politics and law, lawful and illicit, etc. The world is as it is, without distinctions, but we can only see if we are able to distinguish something from everything that does not correspond to that something.
Although the spectators know the trick, they are not able to see the movement of the actors because they can not distinguish them before the black backdrop. The distinctions used have no existence outside the operation that uses them, but they allow observation and Luhmann indicates that the progress of science occurs through increasingly sophisticated distinctions.
He says that it is enough to think about the use of rigorously formal cognitive tools, logic or mathematics, to understand the centrality of distinctions in knowledge Luhmann , p. Marcelo Neves has contributed to the sociology of law by bringing important distinctions, such as legislation and symbolic constitutionalization Neves , to which we have referred. However, this same invocation can lead to public distrust in the political system and state agents.
This is precisely what has been happening in Chile during this long process of constitutionalization. Only the excesses of corruption have led them to doubt this alleged Chilean particularity. Not only the law is affected by the symbolic constitutionalization. Symbolic constitutionalization seems to have taken root in the Chilean constitutional discussion. This process started a long time ago. The long debate between political parties and constitutional experts has not managed to reach an agreement, which leads to distrust of the population and multiple proposals with marked political interest.
The most central question that arises from all this is whether it is possible, and under what conditions, to dismantle the symbolic constitutionalization process or, at least limit it, to be able to elaborate a fundamentally normative Constitution. Although none of the political actors in Chilean society seemed to perceive it, the malaise of the population increased until, 70 D. Although their claims appear to be diverse, they all refer to the inequality of Chilean society and demand a constitutional change.
Acknowledgement Part of this article is based on information collected in the framework of the regular Fondecyt project No. Carolina Busco: Las demandas de cambios constitucionales y la sociedad mundial. Estudios Constitucionales, Universidad de Talca 5 1 — Catalonia, Santiago, pp 41—70 Atria F et al El otro modelo. Random House Mondadori S.
El caso de Chile — A noisy and growing challenge to the globalist consensus, Fortune, May For him, the world periphery would be characterized by precarious forms of citizenship that Neves refers to as forms of under-integration. Holmes and M. Dantas 1 Introduction Throughout the twentieth century, the observation of Brazil produced by joint efforts of the Brazilian social sciences was characterized by a common trait.
And this despite the fact that these efforts came from varied disciplines and theoretical traditions. Moreover, if since the end of the nineteenth century there was an already consolidated national literature, the national economy or politics were described as spheres still on their way to being structured as autonomous, waiting for the emergence of an internal market and for a Nation State.
This paradigm would always make reference to a developmental model, taking on the normative example the experiences of rich nations that had already thoroughly accomplished the process. The unhappy marriage between methodological nationalism and modernization theories has ever since been a cornerstone of Brazilian social science. And it has been central to scholarly and political debates from the end of the nineteenth century until the s, when it came under strong critique.
As post-colonial paradigms were gradually mainstreamed, this strand of critique pointed to a broader epistemological problem associated with the hegemonic Eurocentric ideology lying in the subtext of that tradition. Through the Brazilian constitutional history, Marcelo Neves became directly involved in this debate Neves , a, b, Furthermore, differently from what has been done by other critical approaches, that by now became hegemonic, Neves did not discard all of the insights produced by that tradition.
In other words, Neves proposes a rupture with this paradigm, nevertheless without despising some of its most relevant empirical insights—especially the one that pointed to structural differences between the Brazilian state and states at the centers of world society. For him, the lack of autonomy within a national social sector would express itself as a tendency to follow hypes and trends coming from abroad and out of touch with local reality. For Arantes, theory must emerge from a dialogue with society; a dialogue in which the previous debates are taken seriously, through a careful mediation between empirical contributions, on the one hand, and past national and transnational theoretical contributions, on the other , pp.
This distinction is especially important for directly reporting to the paradoxes that the tradition of Brazilian social sciences describes. Dantas pointing to the ruptures triggered by Neves within its underlying methodological nationalism Sect. Afterwards, we introduce the concept of peripheral modernity, as used by Neves Sect. For some, the alleged national character would consist of a lack in rationality. Modern elements would coexist with irrational, pre-modern elements in Brazilian society de Holanda This would lead to the existence of persisting obstacles to the full differentiation of legal institutions, evolving into crystallized forms of State patrimonialism Faoro Обладатели как бы подчеркивают, что анархия — мама порядка.
Почта На сто процентов анонимизированный почтовый ящик — штука нужная, и, естественно же, такие сервисы есть. Хостинг Ранешний веб различался тем, что для желающих открыть собственный веб-сайт была масса способностей сделать это за копейки либо совсем безвозмездно — в обмен на баннер либо хотя бы ссылку на хостера. Смотрел с позиции научной, где дейтвительно оперируют понятиями времени получении данных и рассуждал так.
Чтоб начать делопроизводство по какому-то посту в вебе, этот пост необходимо получить. Это 1-ое. Эту фразу удаляю за день до вступления закона в деяния, и больше не может быть никаких претензий. Это всё вправду на теоретическом уровне, естественно. Это сияние и бедность законодательства, что работает оно как программный код соц отношений. Ежели компиляторы закона высококачественные, то и итог будет приятным.
Трактовка под давлением в подходящую сторону вкупе с плохим и ангажированным компилятором код этот просто извращает, как нетскейп вебдваноль. Потому предполагаю самые худшие ситуации. Вы разве не в курсе, что с года законы будут иметь невозбранную обратную силу? Из конституции Русской Федерации: Статья 54 1. Закон, устанавливающий либо отягчающий ответственность, обратной силы не имеет. Никто не может нести ответственность за деяние, которое в момент его совершения не признавалось правонарушением.
Ежели опосля совершения правонарушения ответственность за него устранена либо смягчена, применяется новейший закон. А этот документ, простите, не считая доверчивых обыденных людей РФ кто-то вообщем серьезно рассматривает? Статья Предложения о поправках и пересмотре положений Конституции Русской Федерации могут вносить Президент Русской Федерации, Совет Федерации, Муниципальная Дума, Правительство Русской Федерации, законодательные представительные органы субъектов Русской Федерации, а также группа численностью не наименее одной пятой членов Совета Федерации либо депутатов Гос Думы.
Статья 1. Положения глав 1, 2 и 9 Конституции Русской Федерации не могут быть пересмотрены Федеральным Собранием. Ежели предложение о пересмотре положений глав 1, 2 и 9 Конституции Русской Федерации будет поддержано 3-мя пятыми голосов от общего числа членов Совета Федерации и депутатов Гос Думы, то в согласовании с федеральным конституционным законом созывается Конституционное Собрание.
Конституционное Собрание или подтверждает неизменность Конституции Русской Федерации, или разрабатывает проект новейшей Конституции Русской Федерации, который принимается Конституционным Собранием 2-мя третями голосов от общего числа его членов либо выносится на всенародное голосование. При проведении всенародного голосования Конституция Русской Федерации считается принятой, ежели за нее проголосовало наиболее половины избирателей, принявших роль в голосовании, при условии, что в нем приняло роль наиболее половины избирателей.
Во-1-х, законы полностью могут иметь обратную силу в неких вариантах, во-2-х, ничто не мешает законодателям этот принцип отменить для других случаев, и в-3-х, даже ежели не отменят, подобные факты полностью могут употребляться допольнительно, как отягчающее обстоятельство: сфабрикуют простое дело, на суде выяснится, что товарищ-то неблагонадежный, вон чего же в соцсетях писал n-цать лет назад, и заместо условного будет настоящий срок.
Пока до такового еще, вроде, далековато, но ранее схожее было, и в будущем полностью может повториться. Товарищ, знай: пройдет она, Так именуемая гласность. И вот тогда госбезопасность Припомнит наши имена. Опосля пуска TOR Browser, анализ трафика указывает чрезвычайно солидную сетевую активность. Означает, без моего ведома я становлюсь relay нодой. Либо могу быть выходной нодой?
Правильно ли я понимаю, что мой IP адресок может оказаться последним в случае правонарушений со стороны какого-то другого юзера и придется отвечать на вопросцы о устройстве веба мвдшникам? Наблюдается субъективная зависимость скорость ТОР-а от свойства основного канала. Условно, 2. Нет, вы не становитесь ни relay, ни exit node. По умолчанию это все отключено. Солидная сетевая активность возникает из-за, фактически, связи с нодами для построения цепочки прокси.
Я о этом не так давно писал: Чуть-чуть анонимен. Не пытайтесь настраивать все эти детали по одной — бесполезно, что-то кое-где постоянно протечёт. НЛО прилетело и опубликовало эту надпись тут. Не кандидатура, они для различного. В случае уязвимости браузера и уязвимости ядра может утечь.
Основная компенсация этому в том, что всё откатывается при перезапуске. К локальной сети оно тоже имеет доступ, кажется. Почитайте официальный веб-сайт на эту тему. Установите VirtualBox, импортируйте оба вида, запустите две получившиеся виртуалки. Работайте в Whonix-Workstation. Заместо Whonix-Workstation можно применять всякую другую виртуалку, но будет нужно её настройка и это не так безопасно.
Подробнее whonix. Whonix-Workstation подключается к сети через внутренний сетевой интерфейс с именованием whonix. Whonix-Gateway имеет 2-ой сетевой интерфейс, который глядит во внешнюю сеть его трафик идёт по тем же правилам, что и остальной трафик системы. Tor запущен в Whonix-Gateway. Ежели в Whonix-Workstation будет эксплойт для Firefox, случится инфецирование вирусом либо даже малварь получитroot-доступ, всё равно трафик из него не сумеет идти впрямую и выдать ваш настоящий адресок.
Это суровая защита от непредвиденных уязвимостей. Что ещё можно сделать в Whonix-Gateway: установить сокрытый веб-сайт и навести трафик на Whonix-Workstation. Ежели софт в Whonix-Workstation будет скомпрометирован, малварь не сумеет стащить приватный ключ от укрытого веб-сайта. Также в Whonix рекомендуется запускать torchat.
Дополнительно Вы сможете установить VPN в хост-систему, чтоб была хоть какая-то защита на вариант багов в виртуалке и Whonix-Gateway. Ежели кто-то промахнётся — трафик будет no route to host, просто в силу того, что нет ни шлюза, ни интерфейсов, через которые можно выйти наружу.
Так ведь изоляцию от настоящих сетевых интерфейсов обеспечивает VirtualBox. Чтоб не заморачиваться с сиим всем выдумали Tor-роутеры на Raspberry Pi : Сможете анонимизировать хоть всю домащнюю сеть! Сам по для себя Tor-роутер не обеспечит анонимность.
Во-1-х, вся активность будет идти через одну Exit-ноду и будет слинкована в едино целое то есть уже псевдонимность заместо анонимности. Во-2-х, ежели есть неанонимные сессии внедрение аккаунта, доступ к которому когда-либо осуществлялся не через Tor , то происходит смешение режимов анонимности, что приводит к тому, что вся активность не анонимна.
Заместо этого рекомендую приобрести обыденный роутер с поддержкой VPN и пропускать весь трафик через заграничный VPN-провайдер. VPN приносит не анонимность, а приватность, которая как раз и нужна для всей активности. Не считая того, VPN дозволяет употреблять UDP-трафик игры и работает со существенно наименьшими пингами и высочайшими скоростями. Еще есть хорошее Дрезденское решение вопросца — JAP.
Шифрует трафик, но выходные ноды бесплатные в Германии. Непревзойденно подступает для кафе и аэропортов ежели VPN по каким-то причинам заблокирован, а передавать через открытый WiFi нет желания. С xset воюете, чтоб защитить X-сессию от keylogger? Проще запустить xephyr либо аналоги.
Заодно и pulseaudio будет употреблять остальные X-cookies. Как я понимаю, сущность не в том, что фальшивое, а в том, что идиентично у почти всех. Такое поведение юзеров усложняет их фингерпринтинг с целью определения, кто из их кто. Потому Tor Browser представляется веб-сайтам Firefox под Windows, под какой бы системой его ни запускали. Но некий смысл есть, согласен.
Ежели ничего не сделать, то сдвиг времени в виртуалке будет таковым же, как в основной системе, где могут быть неанонимные сессии. Для борьбы с таковым фингерпринтингом Tails, как я помню, старается чрезвычайно точно выставить часы, а Whonix, напротив, намеренно вносит случайный сдвиг относительного сетевого времени, при этом этот сдвиг независим в Gateway и в Workstation. Тщательно можно прочесть здесь и здесь. Но возможны различные остальные хитрости.
Еще один редирект на начальный веб-сайт и жертва ничего не замечает ежели у нее нет настроенного RequestPolicy :. Все остальное запрещено не считая него. Не считая того, в данном случае необходимо правило, пропускающее пакеты VPN. Ежели тор употребляется несколькими приложениями и охото отделить их активность друг от друга, можно в torrc добавить несколько SocksPort и в каждом приложении применять собственный.
Можно при помощи iptables разрешить доступ каждому приложению лишь к его Socks-порту. Трактор тоже не панацея, лично я лишь сев на трактор серьезно озаботился вопросцами анонимности и легальности контента. При этом нельзя забывать и о нелегальном скачивании в Европе и США, к примеру. Нередко бывает так, что человек, уехав в другую стану, продолжает применять торренты, качает телесериалы и музыку, а позже или отбивается от DMCA Claim-ов, или оплачивает штрафы.
К огорчению, за рубежом тоже honeypot на honeypot-е. Нет, все прикольней. Есть особые следилки у правообладателей, которыми они присасываются к определенной раздаче и посылают уведомление на все IP, которые они находят в пирах. Молвят, что в Германии закачивать музыку с торрентов погибели подобно, так как такие конторы наладили отличные связи с трибуналом. Но отличные VPN-провайдеры у которых как минимум 2 хопа в различных странах решают эту делему.
В Германии от штрафа не отделаешься, да. В Канаде же ежели не ошибаюсь , ежели вы получите 6 claim, то вас отключат от веба. Скачка и раздача через VPN не приводит к значимой потере скорости. Хотя VPN и не является анонимайзером. Всю дорогу качаю торренты в Европах. Меня сейчас посодют? Использую я, правда, общественные вайфай сети гостиниц и ресторанов.
Нет, вас не посодют, но, наверное, уведомление гостинице придет. Хотя сильно зависит от трекера. Российские трекеры практически не мониторятся, а вот те торренты, что есть на thepiratebay, к примеру, нередко отслеживаются. Так на российских трекерах и не найдёшь ничего.
Приходится качать с бухты. Я знаю, но в опросе варианты специфичны для Рф. Что я думаю по поводу приватности и анонимности Что это не придирка, а право человека. Наличие торов, популярность впн и иных изощрений указывает только тоталитаризм, лень и ужас современных правительств, ужас неподконтрольности населения хотя, казалось бы, в чём предпосылки неподконтрольности населения в демократической стране, что так же является взаимоисключающим параграфом — неподчинение народа власти народа.
Пару уточнений. Не нужно путать тоталитарный строй и авторитарный строй. В авторитарном государстве властям принципиально, чтоб люди не вмешивались в публичную политику, не участвовали в демонстрациях, не выступали с петициями, не обращались к забугорной прессе с разоблачениями преступлений власти.
Что они молвят на кухне, не имеет значения. При тоталитарном режиме за смешной рассказ, неправильный по отношению к фавориту режима, рассказанный дома, можно попасть за сетку. Наличие торов указывает не лишь ужас правительств — но и ужас народа. В итоге комичная ситуация — все друг друга боятся, а дороги и дураки никуда не деваются. Для себя нашёл таковой опыт использования Tor, ходить на веб-сайты которые заблокировали в согласовании с нашими новенькими законами.
К примеру часть страничек lostfilm не доступна. Tor, естественно, здорово, но антизапрет в вашем случае должен быть удобнее. У меня для таковых случаев банально Opera стоит. Кто даёт гарантию, что они не будут слушать ваш трафик на наличие паролей и логинов к разным сервисам? Даже ежели на данный момент они этого не делают, то никто не гарантирует, что такового не будет в будущем по тихому добавят прокси.
Выходит, что таковым средством нельзя воспользоваться с основного браузера и необходимо держать отдельный конкретно для подобного метода обхода этих блокировок. Тогда проще применять TorBrowser, чем возиться с сиим самому. Это мой сервис, и я им пользуюсь, фактически, поэтому, что знаю, что ничего не прослушивается, как минимум, на уровне сервера.
Да и проксируются лишь заблокированные веб-сайты, а не все. Уж в Tor-то употреблять для ввода паролей я бы не рекомендовал, там огромное число выходных нод прослушивается. TorBrowser и не предполагается для ввода паролей куда или. Здесь вопросец в том, что нет гарантии, что сервер не сумеют сломать и ваш последующий заход в систему онлайн банкинга не уйдет на фишинговый веб-сайт. Потому и проще держать отдельный браузер. Tor предоставляет анонимность, а VPN приватность.
Для обхода бана оба инструмента употребляются с переменным фуррором. VPN все же предоставляет секретность, а не приватность. А вот Tor, напротив, уменьшает секретность и добавляет анонимность. Не верьте никому.
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